I found Helen Regis’ article insightful
in that it explained to the reader what Second Line parades entail, in which
the author defines as, “massive anniversary parades” (p. 755). Regis goes more
into depth on what these parades can consist of and how there is not really an audience,
but instead the viewer’s role is a participatory one (p. 757). However, what I
find the most interesting point in Regis’ article is the claim that many of
these parades are performed in working class black neighborhoods, away from the
curious eyes of the tourists. Actually, many white residents of these areas
have little to no understanding of second line parades (p. 756). Regis uses the
example of the funeral scene in a James Bond movie to explain how a form of
Second Line has been popularized, even commodified, for tourists. I find this a
thought-provoking concept that Regis suggests; this idea of the commodification
of black culture. Regis supports this concept in the statement, “…the cultural
productions of the urban black working-class communities are increasingly
featured as the principal asset distinguishing New Orleans from other tourist
destinations and conference centers. Creole cuisine, historic architecture,
blues, gospel, rhythm and blues (R&B), and, above all, jazz have long drawn
travelers from throughout the world to New Orleans. That the primary producers
of these sensual commodities are members of a low-income black population in a
black-majority city has rarely been examined from a critical perspective”
(p. 754). Although this commodification
of black culture is problematic and there should be a lengthy discourse, I
think it is notable that Regis does mention that these parades are very influential
in the black community and not only “produce neighborhoods,” but participants also
“become owners of the streets” during these performances (p. 756).
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